Seeing Gender in Migration: An Introduction ****************************************************************************************** * Petra Ezzeddine - Heidi Bludau ****************************************************************************************** "Gender is deeply embedded in determining who moves, how those moves take place, and the r of migrant women and families." (Boyd and Grieco 2013) It is well known that, for a long time, gender was absent from studies of migration. Migra and any mention of women or children was in the context of trailing spouses and other depe unskilled and often exploited and/or sexual workers. In general, women were, and to much e are, absent from economic data since much of women's labour is done within the domestic sp not perceived as economic activity. Even when this labour is done outside of the woman's o invisible to public view. It was only recently that women even entered the public migratio the "feminization of migration" coincided with feminist and post-modernist movements in so including anthropology, gender became a primary subject of migration studies. Over the last fifty years, we have seen two dramatic shifts in women as part of the global and consequently migration market. First, globalization ignited the feminization of migran by simultaneously demanding low-wage labour of Third World women from the export processin developing countries and in the manufacturing and service sectors in developed, capitalist (Sassen-Koob 1984; Sassen 1998). Although low-wage labour includes productive manual labou find work in the reproductive labour sphere as hotel housekeepers, nursing aides, and dome replicating gendered power structures through division of labour. As Bridget Anderson (200 "Paid domestic workers reproduce people and social relations not just in what they do (pol ironing), but also in the very doing of it (the foil to the household manager). In this re paid domestic worker is herself, in her very essence, a means of reproduction." Feminizati labour market not only means an increase in women in that market but also an increased com reproductive labour (Parrenas 2012) which leads to the second phenomenon. In the 1970s, an historically significant global shift occurred in the ways in which women to the professional labour force (Hawthorne 2001: 214). Women in wealthy countries, usuall north and west, shifted from the feminized domestic and "pink collar" labour spheres into male-only terrain" of the labour market (Howe 1977: 12). Essentially, the increase in wome including education and contraception, led to a broader employment market for women in eco advanced countries. Consequently, as new opportunities began to open for Western women out traditionally feminized labour sector and more women began to enter the general work popul left space in the traditional female labour sectors (both publically and domestically) and on women from the global south to move in and take over the "women's work" that they no lo or were able to do (Ehrenreich and Hochschild 2003: 3). Wealthy women who work in the publ "hire a wife" to take over their physical and emotional domestic labours (Enloe 2000; Rome globalization of labour, specifically wage and reproductive labour, has given rise to the chain" which refers to "a series of personal links between people across the globe based o unpaid work of caring" (Hochschild 2000: 131). A typical chain consists of an older daught family caring for her siblings while her mother goes abroad to work as a nanny or domestic woman in a richer country. This chain has become increasingly global in the past forty yea advances of women in wealthy countries. As women have become more mobile in global labour, "an increasing proportion of women have employment throughout Asia, the Middle East, and a select range of Western countries as ‘n teachers, and secretaries - the feminized occupations' - despite the persistent image of w workers or ‘trailing spouses'" (Hawthorne 2001: 214). Although much of migrant women's lab in private homes and is somewhat invisible, women have become increasingly visible across global economy (Sassen 1998: 82) and migration studies. It is not surprising that much of the research on gender and migration privileges care wor and Pessar (2006) questioned the privileging of gender, or giving gender attention above t deserved, we question the apparent privilege of care work in gendered migration studies. T articles in this special issue concern care work. Although it is the area of our own resea we cannot ignore the profusion of research on care workers. One reason is that because wom segregated into and have found opportunities in the particular caring occupations, as desc it is the area where a large proportion of women work. Secondly, migrant women take part i institutionalized global movements for care work which has become visible to public percep in countries such as the Philippines that have broad foreign worker "export" programs. It that, at any one point in time, over 250,000 Filipino women are working in care work somew world. In order to understand gender, we must see it operating it (Mahler and Pessar 2006: gender blatantly in the care arena. Mirjana Morokvasic (1984), in an early review of women migrants, stated that examining gen the variety of ways that women are not merely dependent or exploited sojourners but agents later, another special issue of the International Migration Review (Donato, et al. 2006), of the Gender and Migration Working Group of the International Migration Program of the So Research Council, demonstrated that women-centred research has shifted toward a more gende in recent decades. While we agree with this analysis, we also know that gender is still ma (Mahler and Pessar 2006) and, more interestingly, that men have become marginalized in gen of migration. Like in much of gender studies, masculinity has been left out of the convers Unfortunately, this special issue follows that trend, despite specifically stating an inte concerning masculinities in migration. However, we feel that our contribution of this issu better understand the migrant struggle to perform expectations of gendered behaviour (Dona The articles in this issue work together as a reflection of gender power in the process of First, the theme of patriarchy and the hierarchy of power and male domination of social re where and when migration takes place (Boyd and Grieco 2013). Secondly, many of the article explore interactions between female migrants and their male counterparts and other family words, how are gender roles and family relations reconstructed through migration processes Although limited in quantity, the European university-based contributors to this issue cov range of geographical locations and ties. Central Europe, Southeast Asia, and east Africa backdrops of migrant behaviour. The authors in this issue use these locales as settings in explore historical, colonial and post-socialist legacies. Although care work is privileged the articles in this issue examine the migrant decision-making process, cultural flows of migration as forms of agency. The contributors represent the fields of social anthropology psychology and political science. An interdisciplinary approach is typical for migration s the articles share a qualitative methodological paradigm including participant observation interviews and group interviews. Pavla Redlová gives us a classic example of Filipina domestic workers but with the twist o socialist context in which they represent a newfound symbol of cosmopolitanism and wealth. environment where state services once provided child care, individuals now must find ways of themselves and do so in a way that draws on their socialist past of working around the commodification of care is at the centre of her analysis of transnational domestic workers Martina Sekulová examines the ways Slovakian women try to fulfil their roles as mothers wh to Austria for brief work sojourns as domestic caregivers to elderly individuals. Sekulová migrant narrative through her discussion of the "transnational family." She illustrates th making that takes place in the family as well as different ways that gender roles shift an the short-term regular presence and absence of the mother. In her article, Sekulová links specifically the age of the migrant's children as a variable in family dynamics. We also s form of migration in this piece, where migrants return home and leave at regular and somew interludes allowing women to maintain care for the family. Sekulová maintains a paradox of - women look for self-expression and self-realization through gendered work in an environm power relations - families in Austria. This problem of negotiating gender power is also th argument in Julten Abdelhalim's article on the representation of religiosity and identity of dress (pardha) in Kerala, India. This article represents the continued linkages that ea and migration chains have on the contemporary, as well as the ways that present migration agency for women. Abdelhalim argues that pardha was enforced as a marker of identity, but created emancipatory tools in traditional patriarchal society in the Keralite society. To round out our trio of care work studies, Adéla Souralová provides not only a twist on t of family but on the paradigm of care worker and migrant. When colonial migrants and other Westerners travelled to other places it was not uncommon to hire local people as servants Today, we see that it is also very common for people from less wealthy nations to travel t nations to find work as care workers. In her article, Souralová describes the mixture of o practices when Vietnamese immigrant families hire local women in the Czech Republic to wor At the core of this study is the role that the nannies play within the family, such as "gr "aunt." The role of fictive kin is a different perspective of the commodification of care in recent studies. Positioning the nanny as part of the migrant family relies on the cultu relatives in family life" and flow of ideologies of childcare and family dynamics which li to the remaining two in this issue. Finally, rural to urban migration is represented by Stefania Giada Meda's work in Nairobi, article leads us to the discussion of migration as a form of and result of modernization a Whether left in rural areas and filling necessary roles left by migrant men or migrating t areas, women must find new ways to negotiate family. Those in the urban areas find a Weste is based more on the individual and often find themselves single mothers. This weakens the role played by the extended families in socialising and strengthens the role of other agen formal education and the media. According to Meda's article this migration implies a loss patrimony and social cohesion in the Kenyan society. We conclude this issue with a number of book and conference reviews to further demonstrate of gender and migration research - focus on care migration, transnational flows, influence studies and the impact of cultural and social ideologies on gender agency. On its own, thi is itself a representation of transnationalism and gendered perspectives. Countless on-lin mails drove the transatlantic academic collaboration not only between the co-editors of th among the contributors as well. Over the past few months, as we have negotiated our own ge professional roles to edit this special issue, it has been impossible not to see our own r work presented here. Vydání: 15, 2013, 2 Zdroje Boyd, Monica and Elizabeth Grieco. 2013. Women and Migration: Incorporating Gender into In Migration Theory [online]. Available at: http://www.migrationinformation.org/Feature/displ Donato, Katharine M. et al. 2006. "A Glass Half Full? Gender in Migration Studies." Intern Review, 40 (1): 3-26. Ehrenreich, Barbara and Arlie Russell Hochschild. 2003. Global Woman: Nannies, Maids, and the New Economy. New York: Metropolitan Books. Enloe, Cynthia H. 2000. Bananas, Beaches and Bases: Making Feminist Sense of International University of California Press. Hawthorne, Lesleyanne. 2001. "The globalisation of the nursing workforce: barriers confron qualified nurses in Australia."Nursing Inquiry, 8 (4): 213-229. Hochschild, Arlie Russell. 2000. "Global Care Chains and Emotional Surplus Value." Pp. 130 A. and W. Hutton (eds).On the Edge: Living with Global Capitalism. London: Jonathan Cape. Howe, Louise Kapp. 1977. Pink Collar Workers: Inside the World of Women's Work. New York: Mahler, Sarah J. and Patricia R. Pessar. 2006. "Gender Matters: Ethnographers Bring Gender Periphery toward the Core of Migration Studies."International Migration Review, 40 (1): 27 Morokvasic, Mirjana. 1984. "Birds of Passage are also Women."International Migration Revie 886-907. Parrenas, Rhacel Salazar. 2012. "The reproductive labour of migrant workers."Global Networ 269-275. Romero, Mary. 2002. Maid in the U.S.A. New York: Routledge. Sassen?Koob, Saskia. 1984. "Notes on the Incorporation of Third World Women into Wage-Labo Immigration and Off-Shore Production."International Migration Review 18 (4): 1144-1167. Sassen, Saskia. 1998. Globalization and its Discontents: [Essays on the New Mobility of Pe New York: New Press [1] Much of the literature on migration of domestic workers concerns the racial division o labor (Nakano Glenn 1992; Parrenas 2012; Romero 2002). Petra Ezzeddine [ URL "LM-144.html "] Heidi Bludau [ URL "LM-111.html "]