Urban identitites and diversities: a key to the renaissance of the city?

Alexandra Bitušíková

Abstrakt

This paper looks at factors of urban identity forming in a contemporary city. It studies diversity as one of the characteristics of the city and its relation to

identity as the other side of diversity. It explores urban strategies that focus on the regeneration of historic city centres and revitalisation of urban life and urban identities as well as on attracting visitors and investors to the city.

This emphasis on cultural planning is an important part of urban development strategies that aim at the support and growth of local economies. This paper presents a case study of the middle-size city of Banska Bystrica (Central

Slovakia). It identifies and analyses six factors that contribute to urban identity construction in the city and examines hetero-images – reflections of the image of the city in the minds and memories of visitors. In the final part

the paper focuses on studying the local government approach to revitalisation of urban life in Banska Bystrica.


Klíčová slova

city, identity, Europe, Banská Bystrica




Introduction


"What is the city but the people?" This sentence written by William Shakespeare


remains true throughout the whole long history of the city and can be


taken as a starting point for a social anthropological study of the city. [1]The city


is home for millions of people who choose to live in this open and diversified


society. It is understood in many, often contradictory ways: it may be loved, celebrated


and glorifi ed, or hated and damned. The main characteristics of each


city can be summarised in three words expressed in 1938 by one of the classics


of urban theory, Louis Wirth: size, density and heterogeneity (Wirth, 1938).


The city is also a physical environment with specific forms of social, economic


and institutional organisation and with a complex system of public and private


spaces. It is an urban setting where diverse identities meet and collide. The


challenge for each city is to create inclusive spaces that can address different


identities and fulfi ll the needs of all the segments of a heterogeneous population.


As Socrates said, "Our purpose in founding the city was not to make any


one class in it surpassingly happy, but to make the city as a whole as happy


as possible." (Plato, translated by Lindsay, 1957) The question for an urban


anthropologist is what is it that makes people happy in one city and unhappy in


another; why do people prefer one place to another; what is hidden behind the


soul of a city and love for a particular city. Are the objects of a positive relation


to a city and identity-forming elements streets, squares, buildings, institutions,


shops, parks, a river, festivals, customs, theatres, universities, smells, sounds


(silence), rhythm, memories...? A positive relation of the inhabitants to their


city and positive identifi cation with the city refl ect the health, energy, dynamics


and vitality of the city. However, one should never forget that both the people


who love their city and the objects of their love change in the course of time.


Streets and buildings change; the structure of the population changes; memories


and collective memory - the reservoir of knowledge, experience, images,


feelings and attitudes (Kilianova, 1996) - change, too. It is in memory that history


and the present meet. This element of memory is an important factor of


identity construction Urban identity-forming is influenced by numerous factors


of a material and spiritual nature. The city is a colourful mosaic of people,


cultures, subcultures and diverse lifestyles that have an impact on the attitude


of each individual towards his/her city. Urban inhabitants form their identity


through various pictures, images and symbols. Since the 1980s the development


in many contemporary cities has led to revitalisation of urban identities,


initiated by local governments and private enterprises. The characteristic feature


of this process is the shift from the focus on material and symbolic aspects


of the city to the support of urban culture, diversity and creativity organised in


numerous public spaces. Movement for rediscovery and revitalisation of urban


traditions and rituals, organisation of urban festivals and parades, reconstruction


of historic city centres - these are activities that create space for collective identity


construction of the urban inhabitants and at the same time aim at


attracting tourists and investors (De la Pradelle, 1996).


Revitalisation of cities, city cultures and identities and creation of new


urban images and symbols as the means of marketing the city have developed


in two ways described by Bianchini and Schwengel (1991) as "Americanisation"


and "Europeanisation". Americanisation means reconstruction and


transformation of redundant, decaying urban sites into spectacular spaces with


theme-park entertainment, markets, restaurants and leisure shopping, usually


located on a waterfront (e.g. Boston, New York's South Street Seaport, London


- Docklands or Sydney - Darling Harbour; Stevenson, 2003: 100-101).


Europeanisation has been developing since the 1980s. It focuses on urban cultural


planning and cultural policy and its main objective is local cultural development


and support for local creativity as a basis for strategies to revive local economies


(Stevenson 2003: 104). The key element of this approach is the rhetoric of local


difference and diversity. Initiatives focus on identifi cation and promotion of


local distinctiveness, specifi c features of the city and through creative practice


the nurturing of a positive image and a sense of place and belonging (Stevenson


2003: 104). The process of cultural revitalisation and revival of collective urban


identities in European cities is a top-down process influenced and managed by


policies of cities, regions, nations and European transnational institutions. The


Council of Europe and the European Union initiate many activities to promote


the process. The most famous one is the European Union competition for the


European City of Culture that has been organised since 1985 as a result of an


agreement by the Council of Ministers of Culture. Following its results it is evident


that a number of cities that were awarded this title profi ted from the initiative.


They not only transformed and revitalised physical spaces in the city, but


they also had an impact on the relation of urban inhabitants to their city, their


identity, responsibility and interest in participation in the governance.


The city can be understood as a complex of identities and diversities.


Identity and diversity play an important role in contemporary urban strategies.


While in the 1970s-1990s urban studies emphasised mainly inequalities, differences


and spatial segregation from the point of view of different categories


(ethnicity, race, religion, gender, sexual orientation, social stratifi cation, etc.),


since the 1990s terminology has shifted to the issues of diversity and differentiation


where diverse identities meet and mix and create a multilevel environment


leading either to polarisation and fragmentation or to inclusion and integration.


According to Stevenson it is the urban setting that is the place where diversity


is most evident and where the biggest freedom to be "different" exists. Cities


are places where difference is both created and most likely to be tolerated (Stevenson


2003: 41). As Landry suggests, diversity in its many forms and broad


understanding is the primary element of vibrant urban spaces and activities


leading to visual stimulation (Landry 2006: 253). This fact is used in numerous


development strategies of contemporary cities that build upon the rhetoric


of local differences and celebration of urban diversity. Diversity is becoming


a slave of urban marketing. Several urban-anthropological studies (e.g. Zukin,


1997; Marcuse, 2000; Davis, 1990) criticise neoliberal use and manipulation of


the term diversity which is often presented by city representatives as an exotic


and aesthetically attractive feature of the city and which is positively accepted


unless it stands against free market or it points at inequality. On the one hand,


urban authorities face pressure from minorities asking for support and promotion


of their cultural needs (e.g. minority schools, clubs, media, festivals,


political parties etc.). On the other hand, they feel pressure from investors and


cultural tourism to create an image of the city as a centre of innovation, diversity


and cultural activities and festivities for all. Urban diversity policies include


creation of public spaces that are meeting points and places of social interaction


for various groups. Following Worpole and Greenhalgh (1996, quoted by


Shaw and MacLeod; 2000: 165), "the best public spaces have rhythms and patterns


of use of their own, being occupied at different times by quite different


groups, occasionally by almost everybody. Their attractiveness, fl exibility, and


pluralist sense of ownership make them very valuable features of urban life."


Building of good quality urban public spaces that are places of integration and


inclusion, create conditions for meeting of diverse identities and address often


contradictory needs of different segments of the population remains a big challenge


for contemporary cities (Beall, 1997).




"Alive in Banská Bystrica, after death in heaven": Factors of identity-forming


in the city of Banská Bystrica




The following case study raises some issues concerning mechanisms that have


an impact on identity-forming among the inhabitants of the city of


Banská Bystrica (Slovakia). It has been based on the results of qualitative research


(face-to-face interviews and participant observation), and an analysis of archival


documents, contemporary regional press and memoirs.


Urban life can be characterised by dynamics, openness, heterogeneity,


diversity, greater tolerance, anonymity, mobility and more freedom that is well


expressed in a German proverb "Stadt Luft macht frei" (Urban air makes you


feel free). All these characteristics contribute to the creation of the image of the


city as the basis for construction of urban identity. The concept of urban identity


includes both identity of the city itself as well as local identity of its inhabitants.


Images of the city are formed either as auto-images (auto-stereotypes)


that are created in memory and mental maps of urban inhabitants or as hetero-images


(hetero-stereotypes) described as reflections of the city in the memory of visitors.




Auto-images of the city




Each inhabitant of the city forms and remembers his/her own unique image of


the city, which can differ from the one existing in the memory of visitors. The


way people look at their city may be influenced by their social status, ethnic


and religious affi liation, gender, age, physical and mental abilities, etc. From


the results of the research in the city of Banská Bystrica we can say that auto-images


that are the means and the result of the process of identification of each


inhabitant with his/ her city are formed by different factors:

1. Urban symbols (especially the coat-of-arms and its use at various official


celebrations with local officials present.


2. Architecture, and urban structures and spaces (dominant architectural


structures, buildings, streets, squares, neighbourhoods and other public


objects and spaces) are among the most important phenomena of urban identity-


forming. In Banská Bystrica, it is mainly the old architecture of the city


centre that is the main aspect of identifi cation of the inhabitants with their city.


Following interviews with local residents, the reconstructed central square


(The Square of the Slovak National Uprising) is considered the most significant


public space. Its transformation in the 1990s contributed to the revitalisation


of urban life and local identity. Ethnological research confi rmed the


importance of the central square in the life of the inhabitants in the past and at


present (Bitušíková, 1995; 1998), but it is particularly after the reconstruction


in 1994 that the square became the real space of social integration attracting


a diverse urban population. The inhabitants themselves feel that "the square is


a place that belongs to all" (J. M., 1922). Its regeneration has reinforced local


identity and pride among both young and old people. At the same time, it has


become a symbol of internationalisation and a "return to Europe", especially


for the younger generation, who compare the transformed city with other cities


in Europe, as expressed by a respondent:


"I am proud of our city now. When I sit on the terrace of the cafe on the


square, it feels like being in Paris" (J. B., 1974).


In addition to its integration and identifi cation functions, the square


with its several signifi cant and most popular meeting points (the leaning tower,


the statue of Virgin Mary, the fountain and the obelisk) is even considered by


individual inhabitants a "magic" place, using the words of Pawlowska (1998).


She describes as magic all urban spaces or objects that have a special, often


emotional meaning for each or some inhabitants. These places may be insignifi


cant from an outsider's view and usually differ from the ones celebrated in


the tour-guides. They are genia loci, attracting residents by their atmosphere


and promoting positive memories and emotions (Pawlowska, 1998: 31). These


can be squares, parks, buildings, memorials, cafés, pubs, cemeteries, trees,


etc. - places with a soul, taste, smell, light, sound or silence, favourite spaces


for social contacts and communication. Every city resident has his/ her own


"magic places" that play an important role in the memory (either individual or


collective) and contribute to the creation of the individual unique image of the


city and identity building.


3. Geographical and landscape features


Geography plays a strong identifi cation function in the Banská Bystrica


image. The city is situated in the picturesque valley of the Hron River, surrounded


by several mountain ranges. For the inhabitants, it is mainly Urpín


hill, the Hron River and the region of the Hron valley (Pohronie) that are part of


local identity. All old and present tour guides describe the city as "the pearl of


the Hron valley", "the city on the banks of the Hron River" or "the city under


Urpín". During the period of the Slovak National Revival (19th century), Urp ín


hill was a meeting point of Slovak students who used to sing patriotic songs


there (Hronské noviny, 13. 9. 1924). Urpín and the Hron are often mentioned


in memoirs as places for romantic walks and first rendezvous.


„For us students, Urpín was the hill of love. It was nicely lighted with won


derful paths; it is where we used to have rendezvous. We also used to walk on the


promenade along the banks of the Hron River" (J. M., 1922).


Geographical names are now refl ected in names of institutions or products


representing or characterising the city (Urpín beer, the Urpín cinema,


the Urpín and Hronka folklore ensembles, the Hron choir, the Hronka cheese


shop, etc.).


4. Language (urban dialect; specific intonation; words that are characteristic


of only one particular city; and frequent surnames and place names)


The Banská Bystrica language is a factor of identifi cation both within the


urban society itself and in communication situations outside the city. Words


that are known only among the city inhabitants (e.g. krepý, which means dull,


stupid), specific use of word endings and intonation that reminds one of singing


are clear identification features of an inhabitant of Banská Bystrica. Local, often


unofficial names of city quarters, spaces and objects reinforce a common sense


of belonging to the city. They can be names of places or objects that no longer


exist (or places with a new function) which live in collective memory even after


long years (in Banská Bystrica e.g., places like "u Kemov" - a former pre1939


Jewish department store, "pri Leninovi" - the space of a former statue of Lenin


that was destroyed in 1990, "pri KPŠ" - a former political school, etc.).


5. Urban cultural and social events, festivals and rituals


Urban events and festivals play a signifi cant role in identityforming


as well as in the creation of hetero-images. Since the 17th century the most


famous event in Banská Bystrica has been the Radvaň market (Radvanský


jarmok) that used to take place in the nearby neighbourhood of Radvaň (now


part of the city). In 2007 it celebrated its 350th anniversary. Other events which


are also well known outside the city have been the Bystrica Bells song contest;


the Banská Bystrica Bar sports competition; the Finex financial fair, The City


Days that celebrate the famous medieval mining history of the city (The Copper


Banská Bystrica) and the celebration to commemorate the Slovak National


Uprising (1944), the largest anti-Nazi uprising in Central Europe (The Insurgent


Bystrica).


6. Memories, emotions, fantasies, passions, images and stereotypes


Memories, emotions, fantasies, passions, images and stereotypes are


among the most vivid and strongest means of urban identifi cation. The city is


lived and experienced in the imagination of each individual in a different way.


Stevenson (2003) describes it as the "imaginary city" which is the place of memory,


culture, literature or anecdote compared to the real "physical" city consisting


of streets, buildings and footpaths (Stevenson, 2003: 113). Each individua connects the


imaginary city with categories such as the place of birth, childhood,


first love, family, home, happiness, security etc. Verbalisation of these


feelings and emotions often refl ects a positive relationship of the inhabitants to


their city, pride, passion or nostalgic memory. Auto-images can be marked by


overestimation of positives of the city when comparing it to other cities. Local


patriotism of Banská Bystrica inhabitants is evident from their descriptions of


the city as "the pearl of Slovakia", "the heart of Slovakia" and in an old proverb


"Alive in Banská Bystrica, and after death in heaven."




Hetero-images of the city




Compared to auto-images of the city, created and often glorifi ed by the inhabitants


themselves, hetero-images may reflect different or contradictory characteristics.


Banská Bystrica and its inhabitants are often described by outsiders


as proud and haughty, and strong local patriotism is seen as superiority, as


expressed in pejorative phrases: "genteel Bystrica" or "noble Bystrica" meant


ironically, "haughty Bystricians" (die stolzen Neusohler"), "greedy Bystrica"


or "the greedy one near Zvolen". These hetero-images reflect not only the


outside view of the city and its inhabitants, but also the position of the city in


a wider regional and national context and rival relations between the neighbouring


cities of Banská Bystrica and Zvolen.


Hetero-images are created by visitors and inhabitants of other cities on


the basis of a visit to the city or via information from media, guide books or


other secondary sources. Good or bad media or a tour-guide image can have


a significant impact on the development of tourism or investment flows.


It can often differ from objective reality. If it becomes stereotyped, it can take years


to improve the image of the city. When searching through online tour-guides,


we can read: "Connected to the outlying districts by some of the country‘s most


precipitous railways, Banská Bystrica is also a handsome historic town in its own


right - once you‘ve made it through the tangled suburbs of the burgeoning cement


and logging industries" (www.travelotica.com). Reviews of visitors commenting


on their visit to the city mention most often the main square as the place to


remember ("With the most attractive town square in the whole of Slovakia, and


with lots to see and do, Banska Bystrica is one of the highlights of any visit to the


region." [www.heartofeurope.co.uk]) and the Museum of the Slovak National


Uprising, which attracts on the one hand with its exhibits explaining the most


important event in modern Slovak history and on the other hand with its


impressive architecture ("it is unique architecturally - it looks a bit like a deep


pan pizza sliced down the middle" [www.ivebeenthere.co.uk]; or "looking something


like an intergalactic mushroom chopped in half " [www.travelotica.com]).


Opinions of foreign visitors sometimes refl ect different views on the reconstruction


of the historic centre from the ones of home residents. An American


guide who used to come to Banská Bystrica with tourist groups before 1989


argues:


"I am sure that Banská Bystrica inhabitants are proud of their square now,


but I am not very excited. It is nice that there are no cars there, but the space


around the fountain looks like a subway stop. And why do shop-keepers hang


clothes outside on the streets? It looks like the cheapest part of New York. I loved


your old medieval square; it certainly needed reconstruction and some details now


are lovely, but I am not sure I will ever bring tourists there - it looks like being at


home, in the US" (H.C., 1937).


This example shows that what the local people embrace as beautiful, alive,


diverse and "western-like" after years of the grey homogeneous looks of the


square, some outside visitors mainly from the "West" may find it ordinary and


no longer interesting.




Local government: creating and marketing the image of the city




Urban government, local authorities, institutions, travel agencies and other


subjects representing the city inside and outside are crucial actors in forming


the image and identity of the city. Through "place marketing" and various


activities and practices they brand the city and present, sell and offer it to


local residents and to visitors, tourists and investors. The policy of local cultural


development plays an increasingly important role in many cities of the


world. Emphasis is put on the support of an active and creative involvement


of citizens in urban activities and their participation in the governance as the


basis for the revival and diversifi cation of local economies. Transformation of


physical and symbolic urban spaces into places of interaction, integration and


inclusion attracting diverse groups of population goes hand in hand with these


strategies.


Regeneration of the city centre in Banská Bystrica started from the


initiative of the mayor (an architect) in 1994 with the reconstruction of the main


square (Bitušíková, 1995; 1998). Transformation of the physical space of the


square from the former busy traffi c zone into a vivid pedestrian zone also


meant a radical transformation of the relation of the inhabitants to their city,


and growth of their pride and interest in the city. It contributed to revitalisation


of pluralistic and diversifi ed urban life that was for almost half a century


frozen under the communist ideology and socialist urbanism serving it. The


efforts of the local government did not end with the transformation of the


square. In 2006, reconstruction of the castle area (Barbakan) was finalised,


which resulted in opening a spacious pedestrian zone connecting the square


with the castle and offering many opportunities for relaxation and social interaction.


Numerous urban newsletters and bulletins that are distributed to every


household regularly publish articles on historic monuments, buildings, streets


and other places of interest in order to revive the interest of each citizen in his/


her city. They describe important spiritual places known as terra sana maxima,


which are supposed to be a source of positive energy. According to geophysical


surveys published in the journal Bystrický permon (March 2007), the


most significant place of this kind in Banská Bystrica is the main square. It is


described as genium loci - a space of local memory and collective information


that has been for centuries the main area for gatherings and rallies and the witness


of all important historic turning points including the fall of communism in


November 1989. Whether one believes in such "scientific" explanations or not,


the articles bringing information about the city landmarks make identification


of the inhabitants with their city easier and stronger.


In addition to transition of physical structures, urban authorities put much


effort into the revival of urban life in public places. They regularly organise


and support dozens of cultural festivals and celebrations for local residents and


outside visitors. The City Days are among the most important ones. They take


place at the beginning of September together with the Radvaň market. The


programme includes a historic parade in medieval costumes, a market with traditional


handcrafts, and a number of cultural activities. In 2007, The City Days


were organised in the spirit of the competition for the title "European City of


Culture" in 2013. Each project competing for this title has to focus on a vision


of sustainable revitalisation of the city; presentation of its historic, cultural


and spiritual heritage; involvement of the city in European culture and close


cooperation with various European partners; empowerment of citizens and


their participation in urban governance; and support of regionalism by closer


collaboration between the city and the region. The Banská Bystrica project


called "Banská Bystrica - BaBy born in Europe" should become an integral


part of the strategy for social and cultural sustainable development of the city.


Following the speeches of the mayor, the city chose the method of active and


creative involvement of all citizens and cultural institutions as well as private


businesses in the process (V Bystrici zaživa, October 2007). Both the mayor


and the president of the region (VÚC Banská Bystrica) stated that joining the


European competition has been a priority for the city and the region. The 2007


City Days were a rehearsal for the fi nal stage of the project. The programme


under the umbrella of the "European City of Culture" logo included a living


picture of the famous painting "The market in Banská Bystrica" by Dominik


Skutecky from the 19th century; revival of the coat-of-arms; concerts, theatres,


artistic performances, and an international conference "Cultural policies of


European cities for the next decade". In the press release the mayor said: "The


most important thing is that each inhabitant of Banská Bystrica identifies positively


with the city and will be proud of it. The ambition to receive the title of


the European City of Culture has to be the ambition of every citizen of Banská


Bystrica" (www.sme.sk/c/3463609, 31. 8. 2007).


In addition to the effort to compete for the title of the European City of


Culture, urban authorities started the initiative to add Banská Bystrica to the


UNESCO heritage list as a part of world industrial heritage.




Conclusions




This study examines mechanisms that have an impact on the construction of


identity of urban inhabitants. Six factors are identified and analysed: urban


symbols; architecture and urban structures and spaces; geographical and landscape


features; language; urban festivals and rituals; and emotions, memories,


images and stereotypes. Auto-images as reflections of local inhabitants and


hetero-images as reflections of outsiders are part of the image-making of each


city. The developments towards reinforcement of urban identities and at the


same time support for tolerance of diversity are an integral component of the


trend towards regeneration of cities and their creative and economic potential.


Globalisation is the main engine behind this trend. It stimulates competition


in all spheres of life from economic to social and cultural ones, and - despite


the opinions of all opponents - it makes cities invest in preservation and promotion


of their own specifi cities and cultural heritage if they want to be winners


in global competition. The process of revitalisation of cities is supported


by European, national, regional and local institutions and self-governments.


The middle-sized Central European city of Banská Bystrica joined the process


in an active, dynamic way, expressed mainly through its effort to win the title


of The European City of Culture in 2013. The local self-government is the main


initiator of the new urban strategy that built upon the promotion of urban culture


and its unique features as a crucial part of urban planning. This strategy


corresponds with the development in other European cities in which cultural


policy meets urban planning with the objective of creating cities where inhabitants


will feel safe and happy, and of attracting visitors, investors and highly


qualified and skilled professionals (knowledge workers) who look for dynamic


centres of creativity and innovation. Urban cultural heritage, architecture, arts,


cultural activities and vivid and diversifi ed urban life - these are domains that


play a crucial role in the renaissance of the city, and in strategies of the economic,


social and cultural sustainability of the city. It is important to balance


the top-down process led by policy-makers and influenced by global forces with


the bottom-up process that aims at strengthening the local identity of urban


citizens and involving them in the governance. Managed and "soft" integration


of local and global processes, practices and influences can lead to growth and


prosperity of the city and contribute to better coexistence and a good quality of


life for all segments of the urban population.




This work was supported by the EU 6th Framework Programme project of the Network of


Excellence Sustainable Development in a Diverse World (acronym SUS.DIV, No of contract CIT3-


CT-2005-513438).


Banská Bystrica is situated in the middle of Central Slovakia in the Hron Valley, surrounded by


several mountain ranges. It has almost 85,000 inhabitants (up to 100,000 in wider agglomeration) and


it ranks among medium-sized cities (fifth largest city in Slovakia).


Detailed analysis of identifi cation factors was published in: BITUŠÍKOVÁ, Alexandra. 2003. Čo


je mesto? (Mesto v predstavách jeho obyvateľov.) Český lid, 90 (3), s. 217-224.


Original old name of Banská Bystrica was Neosolium (Neusohl in German).


Zvolen is the nearest city to Banská Bystrica. Both cities have always been rivals and competitors,


which is most evident at mutual sports matches or in anecdotes.



Zdroje

Beall, J. (Ed.). 1997. A City for All. Valuing Difference and Working with Diversity.

London and New Jersey: Zed Books Ltd.

Bianchini, F. & Schwengel, H. (1991). Reimagining

the City. In Corner, J. & Harvey,

S. (Eds.), Enterprise and Heritage: Crosscurrents in National Culture. London:

Routledge.

Bitušíková, A. (1995). Premeny funkcií námestia ako priestoru spoločenskej komunikácie

[Transformations of the Functions of the Square as a Place of Social

Communication]. Etnologické rozpravy, 2, 95105.

Bitušíková, A. (1998). Transformations of a City Centre in the Light of Ideologies.

International Journal of Urban and Regional Research. Oxford UK – Boston USA:

Blackwell Publishers, 22, 4, 614622.

Bitušíková, A. (2003). Čo je mesto? (Mesto v predstavách jeho obyvateľov) [What is

the City? The City in the Images of its Inhabitants]. Český lid, 90 3, 217224.

Bridge, G. & Watson, S. 2002. Lest Power Be Forgotten: Networks, Division and

Difference in the City. The Sociological Review, 50, 4, 505524.

Davis, M. (1990). City of Quartz: Excavating the Future in Los Angeles. London:

Vintage.

De la Pradelle, M. (1996). Několik poznámek k urbánní antropologii [A few Comments

on Urban Anthropology]. Český lid, 83, 3, 189195.

Gerndt, H. (1985). Großstadtvolkskunde – Möglichkeiten und Probleme. In: Kohlmann,

T. & Bausinger, H. (ed.): Großstadt – Aspekte empirischer Kulturforschung. Berlin,

1119.

Kasinitz, P. (1995). Metropolis – Center and Symbol of Our Times. New York, New York

University Press.

Kilianová, G. (1999). Kolektívna pamäť a konštrukcia identity [Collective memory and

construction of identity]. In Csáky, M. & Mannová, E. (Eds.), Kolektívne identity

v strednej Európe v období moderny. Bratislava: AEP, 6181.

Landry, C. (2006). The Art of CityMaking.

London – Sterling, VA: Earthscan.

Leeds Love, R. (1973). The Fountains of Urban Life. Urban Life and Culture, 2, 2, 161210.

Marcuse, P. (2000). Cities in Quarters. In Bridges, G. & Watson, S. (Eds.), Companion

to the City. Oxford: Blackwell, 270281.

Munro, W. B. (1930). City. In Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences. New York, Macmillan,

474.

Palen, J. J. (1987). The Urban World. McGrawHill

Book Company. (3rd ed.).

Pawlowska, K. (1998). The Perception of Cultural Urban Landscape. In Jančura, P.

(Ed.), Krajina, človek, kultúra. Banská Bystrica: Slovenská agentúra životného

prostredia, 3134.

Plato. The Republic. Trans. A.D. Lindsay. 1957. New York: Dutton & Co.

Shaw, S. and MacLeod, N. 2000. ‘Creativity and Confl ict: Cultural Tourism in London’s

City Fringe’, Tourism, Culture and Communication, Volume 2, 3, pp 165175.

Stevenson, D. (2003). Cities and Urban Cultures. Maidenhead – Philadelphia: Open

University Press.

Stollmann, A. (2007). Silové miesta v Banskej Bystrici [Energy Places in Banska

Bystrica]. Bystrický permon, V, 1, 12.

Radničné noviny mesta Banská Bystrica. (2007). I, 3, 2.

Rotenberg, R. (1996). The Metropolis and Everyday Life. In: Gmelch, G. & Zenner,

W. G. (Eds.): Urban Life. Readings in Urban Anthropology. Illinois, Waveland

Press, Inc., 6081.

V Bystrici zaživa [Alive in Bystrica] (2007). Časopis o banskobystrickom kultúrnom

živote. 1, 2, Október.

Worpole, K. & Greenhalgh, L. (1996). The Freedom of the City. London: Demos.

Zukin, S. (1997). The Cultures of Cities. Massachusetts – Oxford: Blackwell Publishers.


Alexandra Bitušíková


Poslední změna: 27. březen 2018 10:59 
Sdílet na:  
Vydavatel

Fakulta humanitních studií Univerzity Karlovy


Kontakty

Časopis "Lidé města"

Fakulta humanitních studií Univerzity Karlovy

U Kříže 8

158 00 Praha – Jinonice

e-mail:



Jak k nám